HYPÉRION
According to the ones who coined that definition, the plan, attributed to the Far Right, was to create a climate of terror in Italy to justify the establishment of an authoritarian government and keep the Left away from the levers of power.
In the galaxy of terrorist groups active during that period, a five-pointed star became the emblem that identified the B.R.—the Brigate Rosse, or Red Brigades. The Red Brigades were a terrorist organization born from the loins of Italian communism and the remnants of the World War II Italian resistance. Over time, the group mutated and was infiltrated by foreign actors who steered it to serve their own interests.
Several obscure figures with foreign ties operated around and within the group, and their influence on its activities was never fully clarified.
Like Hypérion, the Greek Titan whose name means “the one above,” some appeared to observe the events from aloft, hidden behind the cloud cover of a “cultural” organization that, perhaps not by chance, bore the same mythical name.
THE HYPÉRION SCHOOL AND THE ITALIAN MYSTERIES OF THE “STRATEGY OF TENSION”
By Renzo Paternoster (Translated and edited by L. Pavese)
In the 1970s, there existed a language school in Paris that became the subject of several criminal investigations. To this day, the institute remains as ambiguous as one of its enigmatic founders, Corrado Simioni.
The first to mention the supposed existence of a subversive headquarters in Paris, France, was Italian statesman and several times prime minister Giulio Andreotti (1919-2013) in a June 20, 1974, interview to the magazine Il Mondo. He said: “I am still convinced that, in Paris, there is a central base which directs political kidnappings to finance subversive plans and coordinates terrorism on a large, even European scale.”
In 1980, answering a question about the existence of a hypothetical “mastermind” of Italian terrorism, a sort of “Grand Old Man” of the Red Brigades, Italian soon-to-be prime minister Bettino Craxi (1934-2000) said: “When we talk about a Grand Old Man, we should go back with our memory to some of those characters who had started in politics on our side, who had demonstrated some good qualities, and then suddenly disappeared. People who, ten years ago, made people talk and were talked about. They were not leaders. I’m talking about people who had shown some political talent. Sure, many of them might have quit […] But, I’m saying, there are some who kept at it clandestinely. And maybe they are in Paris today, working with the armed party.”
The existence of an occult central that, from Paris, maneuvered the various national and not only European terrorist organizations, was hypothesized by many.
In Italy many discerned from Bettino Craxi’s words the identikit of one Corrado Simioni, a shady character defined as an “enigmatic figure by the Italian Parliamentary “Stragi” (mass murders) Investigative Committee. From the late 1950’s, until 1965, Corrado Simioni was active in the “autonomist” faction of the P.S.I. (Italian Socialist Party), in close contact with Bettino Craxi. (The group was “autonomist” in the sense that they opposed a close cooperation with the Italian Communist Party, and therefore with the U.S.S.R. T/N).
Together with two other Italians, Duccio Berio and Vanni Mulinaris, Corrado Simioni became the front for a language school situated in Paris, France, in Quai de la Tournelle 27.
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| The seat of the Hypérion Language School in Paris |
But we must go back in time to frame better these three men and understand why their language school was the focus of much attention both from the press and the Italian investigators.
In September 1969, there was founded in Milan, Italy, the Collettivo Politico Metropolitano (C.P.M.). It was a far-Left organization which operated for about a year. In a report to the Italian Ministry of the Interior by the then Prefect of Milan, Libero Mazza, we read that “the C.P.M. was established to foster the collective political awareness of the masses and to transform the confrontation into a generalized social war.”
Corrado Simioni, Duccio Berio and Vanni Mulinaris were part of the group, but other members were Renato Curcio, Mara Cagol, Prospero Gallinari and Mario Moretti. The latter four will become the first nucleus of the Red Brigades, the Italian combat communist party.
But, within the C.P.M., Corrado Simioni managed another covert structure, concealed even to most of the members of the group. This hidden structure was initially called the Zie Rosse (the Red Aunts) group, because its toughest and most determined wing consisted of women. Mario Moretti, Innocente Salvoni, Françoise Tuscher, Sandro D’Alessandro, Prospero Gallinari, Mara Cagol (but only at the beginning) were part of it, with Duccio Berio and Vanni Mulinaris. The objective of the Red Aunts was to raise the level of confrontation, especially during street protests.
Then a new hidden and even more clandestine core took shape within the group of the Zie Rosse. It consisted of a group of comrades who meant to raise the level of the fight by selectively striking people who symbolized American imperialism. The new group apparently did not have a name, but it was called “Superclan,” probably an abbreviation of super clandestine. The existence of the Superclan became officially known only in 1978-1979, following the investigation carried out by the magistrate Pietro Calogero on a Paris language school called Hypérion.
Until 1973, Corrado Simioni had at his disposal houses and farmhouses (in Barzio and Bellano, near Lecco. Near Erba, in Tortona and in Mestre) where he could meet with the militants of the Superclan. He also had an apartment in Milan, Via Boscovich 55, where he could meet people without the other members of the group knowing it; and he had another place, the Baghina farmhouse, in Grognardo near Acqui Terme, which was probably bought with the loot from the armed robbery of a cash courier of the Savoia Assicurazioni (an insurance company T/N), carried out by militants.
But, in 1974, the group broke apart, Moretti and Gallinari joined the Red Brigades, and Corrado Simioni moved to Paris with Berio and Mulinaris.
Then a new hidden and even more clandestine core took shape within the group of the Zie Rosse. It consisted of a group of comrades who meant to raise the level of the fight by selectively striking people who symbolized American imperialism. The new group apparently did not have a name, but it was called “Superclan,” probably an abbreviation of super clandestine. The existence of the Superclan became officially known only in 1978-1979, following the investigation carried out by the magistrate Pietro Calogero on a Paris language school called Hypérion.
Until 1973, Corrado Simioni had at his disposal houses and farmhouses (in Barzio and Bellano, near Lecco. Near Erba, in Tortona and in Mestre) where he could meet with the militants of the Superclan. He also had an apartment in Milan, Via Boscovich 55, where he could meet people without the other members of the group knowing it; and he had another place, the Baghina farmhouse, in Grognardo near Acqui Terme, which was probably bought with the loot from the armed robbery of a cash courier of the Savoia Assicurazioni (an insurance company T/N), carried out by militants.
But, in 1974, the group broke apart, Moretti and Gallinari joined the Red Brigades, and Corrado Simioni moved to Paris with Berio and Mulinaris.
The departure to France of the trio almost coincided with the event that marked the history of the Red Brigades: on September 8, 1974, Renato Curcio and Alberto Franceschini, the historic leaders of the Red Brigades, were arrested in Pinerolo, thanks to the betrayal by Silvano Girotto a.k.a. "Frate Mitra" (the Submachinegun Friar). Mario Moretti avoided the arrest thanks to a tip-off he had received the day before.
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| A picture released by the B.R. when they were holding hostage Idalgo Macchiarini, a SIT-Siemens executive. The gun to Macchiarini's Cheek is held by Alberto Franceschini, and it was given to him by his grandfather who had taken from a German officer in WWII |
With the arrest of Curcio and Franceschini, Mario Moretti acquired the leadership of the Red Brigades, marking the point of escalation of their violence.
Several ambiguous and strange coincidences regarding Simioni, before he moved to Paris, led many comrades to mistrust him.
After having been expelled from the Socialist Party in 1965, for unspecified “immoral behavior,” Corrado Simioni moved to Monaco in Bavaria, West Germany, and enrolled in a course in theology. He returned to Milan in 1967. There he worked for Mondadori (a publishing company T/N), but also for the U.S.I.S. (United States Information Services). A striking coincidence: one of the Roman offices of the U.S.I.S. was at Via Caetani 32, near the spot in which the car with the body of the kidnapped former Italian prime-minister Aldo Moro was found (more about that later. T/N).
Another strange fact regards an attack, probably planned by Corrado Simioni in Athens, Greece, in September 1970. To carry out this operation, Simioni initially asked Mara Cagol, but he demanded that she never talk to anybody about it, including to her companion, Renato Curcio. When Mara Cagol refused, Simioni found two volunteers: Maria Elena Angeloni and Giorgio Tsikouris (of Cypriot origins). The operation failed, because the bomb prematurely exploded in their Volkswagen, while they were travelling to the American Embassy in Athens. The two aspiring terrorists died. The coincidence is that the explosive and the timers were identical to the ones that, in 1972, caused the death of publisher and revolutionist Giangiacomo Feltrinelli while he was trying to place an explosive charge under an electrical transmission tower in a field near Segrate (Milan).
In 1970, Corrado Simioni accompanied some comrades to a meeting in Liguria. They were the guests of one Savina Longhi. The peculiarity of this was not the meeting, but the host. Savina Longhi was the former secretary of Manlio Brosio (1897-1980), an Italian diplomat and N.A.T.O. Secretary General from 1964 to 1971. Corrado Simioni introduced Savina Longhi as his secretary. But what kind of secretary?
Again in 1970, Corrado Simioni planned the assassination of two N.A.T.O military officers in Naples, Italy, and the killing in Trento of prince Junio Valerio Borghese (1906-1974). Simioni told his Superclan comrades that he had planned everything, including to whom the blame was going to be assigned, that is, the emerging far left group Lotta Continua. With whom did Corrado Simioni plan the two attacks? Why prince Valerio Borghese? Did Simioni know that the Black Prince (Valerio Borghese) was planning a putsch for the night of the Immaculate Conception of that year?
In any case, Corrado Simioni’s relationship with an ambiguous character, one Roberto Dotti, caused Franceschini and Mara Cagol to distance themselves from the Superclan almost right away. Roberto Dotti was a close friend of Edgardo Sogno, the WWII hero, Italian resistance fighter (decorated by President Ronald Regan N/T) and diplomat who, in the early 1970’s, planned a coup d’etat to establish in Italy a classical Liberal and presidential political system.
In the memoirs of former Red Brigades terrorist Alberto Franceschini there is something that Mara Cagol confided to him. At the time of the “Zie Rosse,” Mara Cagol was in charge of keeping the personal information forms that each militant of the CPM had to file by order of Corrado Simioni. Cagol told Franceschini that, one evening, Simioni took her to the Terrazza Martini in Milan and introduced her to the same Roberto Dotti. And Simioni told Cagol that she should give Dotti the comrades’ biographic information forms. Why should she give the files to Roberto Dotti, who was not even a member of the C.P.M.? Not only that, Simioni had told Mara Cagol that, anytime she needed money or assistance, she should ask Dotti.
Another peculiar element is the resume of Duccio Berio, Corrado Simioni’s right-hand man. He was the son of a doctor from Milan, and he was sentimentally tied to one Silvia Malagugini, the daughter of Alberto, an important Italian Communist Party official who ran the very sensitive “Problems of the State” section of the party. But, from 1972, Duccio Berio was probably also an informant of the S.I.D. (Servizio Informazioni Difesa, one of the Italian intelligence services). His father also apparently collaborated with Israeli intelligence. The latter hypothesis was disputed by Duccio Berio, in front of the Italian parliamentary committee that investigated the kidnapping of former prime minister Aldo Moro; although, during the same audition he said that his father had been a 33rd level Free Mason (as the aforementioned former N.A.T.O. Secretary Manlio Brosio T/N).
And before the trio left Italy for France, another strange thing happened, after the kidnapping of Ettore Armerio, Italian car manufacturer FIAT’s human resources manager (the sequestration lasted from December 10 to December 18, 1973).
Former Red Brigades fighter Alberto Franceschini recalls that, after the kidnapping, the Italian Communist Party had advised the terrorists to turn themselves in, just before a planned big police dragnet. The Red Brigades militants rejected the idea; but the members of the Superclan spontaneously presented themselves to a magistrate and then left for France!
On October 21, 1976, the trio Simioni-Berio-Mulinaris founded a language school in Paris, Rue Lucienne 10, and called it Agorà. The official founder and director of the school was a woman, Giulia Archer, who lived with Corrado Simioni. The true sponsors of the school were Innocente Salvoni and his wife Françoise Marie Tuscher, the niece of the famous Abbé Pierre (1912-2007). Less than two months after the establishment of the business, Giulia Archer resigned and her place was taken by Françoise Marie Tuscher. On August 24, 1977, the school changes its name in Hypérion. That was supposedly due to the existence of another company with the same name and an analogous business.
The Parisian place in which Hypérion was located had been rented by the Club International d’Interprétariat et Traduction, a Parisian company whose manager was Attilio Gatti another former member of the C.P.M. who had moved to Paris.
The official mission of the school was to foster culture mainly through the study of foreign languages, but also through the organization of conventions, acting classes and the theatre. However, the “school” got strongly involved in many obscure Italian and international events through the activity of its main representatives: the trio Simioni-Berio-Mulinaris.
The name Hypérion is interwoven with the threads of many investigations about arms trafficking between the Organization for the Liberation of Palestine and the Red Brigades. And, above all, many things converge to involve the Paris school in the process of destabilization of Italy, including the kidnapping and the murder of former Prime Minister Aldo Moro.
The Hypérion remains one of the great mysteries with which the “Investigative Parliamentary Committee on the murders of Via Fani and the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro and terrorism in Italy” struggled with, without reaching any satisfactory conclusion.
The magistrates who unsuccessfully directed the investigations into the Hypérion were struck by the easiness with which the trio Simioni-Berio-Mulinaris, apparently without any financial resources, was able to finance the language school.
There was, for example, a strange bank loan guarantee by Dr. Cesare Rancilio, an Italian engineer living in Paris. Cesare was the brother of Augusto Rancilio, a man who had been kidnapped by the Calabrian ‘ndrangheta in Cesano Boscone (Milan) on October 2, 1978 and later freed by the bandits. (One theory is that the bank guarantee was given by the Rancilios as a reward for having negotiated the release of Augusto). Nevertheless, the easiness with which the Hypérion organization was able to finance itself is striking.
The “language school” had indeed a powerful protector: the famous Abbé Pierre, that is, Henri Antoine Grouès, a French Catholic priest, former resistance fighter, politician and founder of the Compagnons d’Emmaüs, (an aid organization for the poor and the refugees).
Another peculiar element is the resume of Duccio Berio, Corrado Simioni’s right-hand man. He was the son of a doctor from Milan, and he was sentimentally tied to one Silvia Malagugini, the daughter of Alberto, an important Italian Communist Party official who ran the very sensitive “Problems of the State” section of the party. But, from 1972, Duccio Berio was probably also an informant of the S.I.D. (Servizio Informazioni Difesa, one of the Italian intelligence services). His father also apparently collaborated with Israeli intelligence. The latter hypothesis was disputed by Duccio Berio, in front of the Italian parliamentary committee that investigated the kidnapping of former prime minister Aldo Moro; although, during the same audition he said that his father had been a 33rd level Free Mason (as the aforementioned former N.A.T.O. Secretary Manlio Brosio T/N).
And before the trio left Italy for France, another strange thing happened, after the kidnapping of Ettore Armerio, Italian car manufacturer FIAT’s human resources manager (the sequestration lasted from December 10 to December 18, 1973).
Former Red Brigades fighter Alberto Franceschini recalls that, after the kidnapping, the Italian Communist Party had advised the terrorists to turn themselves in, just before a planned big police dragnet. The Red Brigades militants rejected the idea; but the members of the Superclan spontaneously presented themselves to a magistrate and then left for France!
On October 21, 1976, the trio Simioni-Berio-Mulinaris founded a language school in Paris, Rue Lucienne 10, and called it Agorà. The official founder and director of the school was a woman, Giulia Archer, who lived with Corrado Simioni. The true sponsors of the school were Innocente Salvoni and his wife Françoise Marie Tuscher, the niece of the famous Abbé Pierre (1912-2007). Less than two months after the establishment of the business, Giulia Archer resigned and her place was taken by Françoise Marie Tuscher. On August 24, 1977, the school changes its name in Hypérion. That was supposedly due to the existence of another company with the same name and an analogous business.
The Parisian place in which Hypérion was located had been rented by the Club International d’Interprétariat et Traduction, a Parisian company whose manager was Attilio Gatti another former member of the C.P.M. who had moved to Paris.
The official mission of the school was to foster culture mainly through the study of foreign languages, but also through the organization of conventions, acting classes and the theatre. However, the “school” got strongly involved in many obscure Italian and international events through the activity of its main representatives: the trio Simioni-Berio-Mulinaris.
The name Hypérion is interwoven with the threads of many investigations about arms trafficking between the Organization for the Liberation of Palestine and the Red Brigades. And, above all, many things converge to involve the Paris school in the process of destabilization of Italy, including the kidnapping and the murder of former Prime Minister Aldo Moro.
The Hypérion remains one of the great mysteries with which the “Investigative Parliamentary Committee on the murders of Via Fani and the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro and terrorism in Italy” struggled with, without reaching any satisfactory conclusion.
The magistrates who unsuccessfully directed the investigations into the Hypérion were struck by the easiness with which the trio Simioni-Berio-Mulinaris, apparently without any financial resources, was able to finance the language school.
There was, for example, a strange bank loan guarantee by Dr. Cesare Rancilio, an Italian engineer living in Paris. Cesare was the brother of Augusto Rancilio, a man who had been kidnapped by the Calabrian ‘ndrangheta in Cesano Boscone (Milan) on October 2, 1978 and later freed by the bandits. (One theory is that the bank guarantee was given by the Rancilios as a reward for having negotiated the release of Augusto). Nevertheless, the easiness with which the Hypérion organization was able to finance itself is striking.
The “language school” had indeed a powerful protector: the famous Abbé Pierre, that is, Henri Antoine Grouès, a French Catholic priest, former resistance fighter, politician and founder of the Compagnons d’Emmaüs, (an aid organization for the poor and the refugees).
The Abbé Pierre was the uncle of Françoise Marie Tuscher, the wife of Italian terrorist Innocente Salvoni. And it was him who went above and beyond to exonerate his nephew-in-law from having taken part in the attack of Via Fani (where Aldo Moro was kidnapped and five policemen of his escort were killed T/N). The same day of the attack, the Italian Ministry of Interior issued about twenty photographs of Red Brigades militants who might have taken part in the mass murder. Among the pictures, there was one of Innocente Salvoni, who had been identified by two eyewitnesses, who had seen him, that morning, with another terrorist, Franco Bonisoli. But the picture of Salvoni was removed right after the Abbé Pierre intervened in Rome. And when Corrado Simioni, Duccio Berio and Vanni Mulinaris, after the confessions of two “repented” terrorists (Michele Galati and Antonio Savasta), were charged with arms trafficking, the Abbé Pierre ran to Italy to defend his protegees who, according to the priest, were persecuted by a “Right Wing ring”. The the charges against the trio were dropped.
Corrado Simioni was so influential, that the Abbé Pierre even accompanied him to a meeting Pope John Paul II. And, in 2001, the former leader of the Superclan was named a Knight of the French Republic for his many-years activity in the assistance to the homeless.
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| Corrado Simioni (left) with the Abbé Pierre (center) and Pope John Paul II |
Besides the blessings of the Abbé Pierre, the Hypérion language school could also count on the “protection” of the Dominican Friar Felix Andrew Morlion, who was the founder of the Pro Deo organization, that could be considered the Vatican intelligence service (and collaborated with American intelligence).
The strangeness of these “protections” is compounded by ambiguities and peculiarities linked to the Italian events of the period of the so called “strategy of tension.”
Hypérion eventually had three bases, in Paris, London and Brussels. Any one of these could be a good political observation point as well as the spot for a covert connection with an intelligence service. But what attracted most the attention of the Italian investigators was a villa in Rouen, in northern France. The house was protected by a triple ring of sensors, which rendered any attempt to get close or any surveillance very difficult. Now, besides the fact that such a security system could only be within the means of a powerful state agency or very rich people, why should a villa, that was supposedly only a vacation place, be so hyper-protected?
Even eerier are the too-many coincidences that connect the Hypérion language school to the kidnapping and killing of Aldo Moro.
First, the fact that Red Brigades terrorists Mario Moretti earlier and Giovanni Senzani later frequented the Hypérion. Then there is the opening of three schools in Italy, between June 1977 and June 1978; right in the period that includes the last phases of the planning of the kidnapping of Aldo Moro and all the fifty-five days of his captivity. The schools were all closed right after the killing of Moro, leader of the DC (Italian Christian Democracy party).
The Milan school was located in Via Albani 33, and its persons of contact were Dimma Vezzani and her husband Giuseppe Sacchi (who had been present at the 1969 Chiavari (GE) meeting, which led to the forming of the Red Brigades).
And Hypérion had opened two more schools in Rome, one in Viale Angelico and another one in Via Nicotera. The Via Nicotera branch’s point of contact was Carlo Fortunato (with proven contacts with the American C.I.A.) The Via Nicotera school was in the same building where some businesses that fronted for the SISMI (Servizio per le Informazioni e la Sicurezza Militare, an Italian military intelligence service) were located.
In the office of Viale Angelico there worked Luigi Perini, an Italian Communist Party activist, who stated that Simioni and Berio were present in the Roman school during the days of the captivity of Aldo Moro (presence that Simioni and Berio denied). Eventually Perini left the Roman Hypérion school and rented a place in Via Pio Foà for his own business. Coincidentally, that was the place where the printing press in which the Red Brigades printed the communiques during the time they were holding Aldo Moro was situated.
During the same period, the Hypérion was linked to another language school (of French) that was based in Via Campitelli, that is, five hundred feet from Via Caetani where the body of Aldo Moro was found.
In 1997, Alberto Franceschini wrote a novel that, like in an André Gide’s aphorism, “was a fragment of history that could have been.” In the novel, behind made-up names, there hides a web of unspeakable dangerous liaisons all related to the kidnapping of a certain Signor M.
For example, in the book there is a character coming from France to interrogate the hostage, because he is not happy about having other people do it. This character matches Simioni’s profile.
When on April 4, 1981, the Red Brigades’ leader Mario Moretti was arrested, his place was taken by Giovanni Senzani, another very shady figure in the subversive landscape of those years. Senzani was in close contact with Luciano Bellucci, a SISMI agent, and with Francesco Pazienza, who was also a SISMI agent and the mediator with the Red Brigades during the kidnapping of the Region of Campania Councilor Ciro Cirillo.
And so, the history of the Hypérion language school is fraught with ambiguous characters and strange coincidences that relate to that “strategy of tension” that was being implemented in Italy.
At the light of what we wrote, let’s put forward a hypothesis about the role of Hypérion.
The Hypérion organization could have been a supranational organization, managed by foreign entities for the purpose of maintaining the international framework that had been agreed in Yalta, in February 1945, by the prospective victors of WWII.
There exists an operational handbook, a copy of which was seized in 1981 in the Arezzo (Tuscany) villa of Licio Gelli, the Grand Master of the P2 Masonic Lodge. The manual, Field Manual 30-31 – with section no.30 covering military intelligence services, and section no. 31 special operations – could support our hypothesis. In fact, among other interventions, the manual prescribes “infiltrations of far-left groups to acquire their leadership”.
So, as we have seen before, after the elimination of the hard-liner publisher/terrorist Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, who was in contact with international terrorist organizations, Hypérion took over his contacts. And after their “removal,” Renato Curcio and Alberto Franceschini, were replaced by Mario Moretti who in turn, after his arrest, was replaced by Giovanni Senzani.
This double leadership turnover marked a change of direction at the national and international level, and it certainly appears to have been an operation aimed at steering the activity of one of the Italian subversive organizations for other purposes.
This article was taken and translated from the Italian online publication Storia in Network, and it was posted here with their permission.
Your comments, as usual, will be greatly appreciated.
Thank you,
L. Pavese
Bibliography:
Atti della Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sulla strage di via Fani, sul sequestro e l’assassinio di Aldo Moro e sul terrorismo in Italia, sito istituzionale «Camera del Deputati», http://www.camera.it/leg17/1 – anche in «Rete degli archivi – Per non dimenticare», http://www.fontitaliarepubblicana.it/DocTrace/#home?q=%20projectid:13&page=1&per_page=10
Casamassima P., Il libro nero delle Brigate Rosse. Gli episodi e le azioni della più nota organizzazione armata dagli «anni di piombo» fino ai giorni nostri, Newton Compton, Roma 2007.
De Lutiis G., Il golpe di via Fani, Sperling & Kupfer, Milano 2007.
De Prospo S., Priore R., Chi manovrava le Brigate rosse? Storia e misteri dell’Hypérion di Parigi, scuola di lingue e centrale del terrorismo internazionale, Ponte alle Grazie, Milano 2011.
Fasanella G., Sestieri C., Pellegrino G., Segreto di Stato. La verità da Gladio al caso Moro, Einaudi, Torino 2000.
Flamigni S., La tela del ragno. Il delitto Moro, Kaos Edizioni, Roma 2003.
Flamini S., Il libro che i servizi segreti italiani non ti farebbero mai leggere, Newton, Roma 2012.
Franceschini A., Samueli A., La borsa del presidente. Ritorno agli anni di piombo, Ediesse, Roma 1997.
Gallinari P., Un contadino nella metropoli. Ricordi di un militante delle Brigate Rosse, Bompiani, Milano 2006.
Ghira F., Dominio incontrollato. L’affaire Moro e l’Italia dei complotti negli anni ‘70, Fuoco Edizioni, Rende (Cs) 2010.
Imposimato F., Provvisionato S., Doveva morire. Chi ha ucciso Aldo Moro. Il giudice dell’inchiesta racconta, Chiarelettere, Milano 2008.
Nozza M., Il pistarolo. Da Piazza Fontana, trent’anni di storia raccontati da un grande cronista, il Saggiatore, Milano 2006, ora 2011.
S.A., Storia delle Brigate Rosse, cap. 2, in «Il Ricercatore», http://ilricercatore.altervista.org/alterpages/files/Brigaterosse.cap21.pdf
US Army Field Manual 31-30 Tactics and Technique of Air-borne Troops, 1942, in «Jim Garrison – LiveJournal», http://jim-garrison.livejournal.com/37233.html
Bibliography:
Atti della Commissione parlamentare d’inchiesta sulla strage di via Fani, sul sequestro e l’assassinio di Aldo Moro e sul terrorismo in Italia, sito istituzionale «Camera del Deputati», http://www.camera.it/leg17/1 – anche in «Rete degli archivi – Per non dimenticare», http://www.fontitaliarepubblicana.it/DocTrace/#home?q=%20projectid:13&page=1&per_page=10
Casamassima P., Il libro nero delle Brigate Rosse. Gli episodi e le azioni della più nota organizzazione armata dagli «anni di piombo» fino ai giorni nostri, Newton Compton, Roma 2007.
De Lutiis G., Il golpe di via Fani, Sperling & Kupfer, Milano 2007.
De Prospo S., Priore R., Chi manovrava le Brigate rosse? Storia e misteri dell’Hypérion di Parigi, scuola di lingue e centrale del terrorismo internazionale, Ponte alle Grazie, Milano 2011.
Fasanella G., Sestieri C., Pellegrino G., Segreto di Stato. La verità da Gladio al caso Moro, Einaudi, Torino 2000.
Flamigni S., La tela del ragno. Il delitto Moro, Kaos Edizioni, Roma 2003.
Flamini S., Il libro che i servizi segreti italiani non ti farebbero mai leggere, Newton, Roma 2012.
Franceschini A., Samueli A., La borsa del presidente. Ritorno agli anni di piombo, Ediesse, Roma 1997.
Gallinari P., Un contadino nella metropoli. Ricordi di un militante delle Brigate Rosse, Bompiani, Milano 2006.
Ghira F., Dominio incontrollato. L’affaire Moro e l’Italia dei complotti negli anni ‘70, Fuoco Edizioni, Rende (Cs) 2010.
Imposimato F., Provvisionato S., Doveva morire. Chi ha ucciso Aldo Moro. Il giudice dell’inchiesta racconta, Chiarelettere, Milano 2008.
Nozza M., Il pistarolo. Da Piazza Fontana, trent’anni di storia raccontati da un grande cronista, il Saggiatore, Milano 2006, ora 2011.
S.A., Storia delle Brigate Rosse, cap. 2, in «Il Ricercatore», http://ilricercatore.altervista.org/alterpages/files/Brigaterosse.cap21.pdf
US Army Field Manual 31-30 Tactics and Technique of Air-borne Troops, 1942, in «Jim Garrison – LiveJournal», http://jim-garrison.livejournal.com/37233.html
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